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O. J. Simpson Facts and Fictions: News Rituals in the Construction of Reality, by Darnell M. Hunt
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Darnell M. Hunt explores the relationship between social identity (race, class, gender, etc.), our perceptions of everyday reality and the O. J. Simpson double murder trial to ask: why was America so obsessed by this case? Why were so many people invested in particular outcomes? And what are we to make of the apparent racial divide in attitudes about the case captured by the opinion polls? O. J. Facts and Fictions tackles these questions and considers the implications for race relations in the United States at the dawn of the new millennium.
- Sales Rank: #1859844 in Books
- Brand: Brand: Cambridge University Press
- Published on: 1999-05-13
- Released on: 1999-04-15
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.98" h x .83" w x 5.98" l, 1.28 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 364 pages
- Used Book in Good Condition
Review
"...illuminates the cultural media event with clarity, freshness, rigorous scholarship, and with insights that inform both black and white readers." Choice
"A superb book, Hunt writes with a passionate clarity about one of the most significant cultural events of our time. His multi-dimensional analysis, his persuasive arguments and his insightful conclusions show us not only the importance of the O.J. affair itself, but also how an avowedly non-racist society keeps its racism alive and kicking. Anyone who wants to understand how race is made to operate in America, and anyone who wishes to intervene in its operations, will need to read this book and to refer to it frequently." John Fiske, University of Wisconsin, Madison
"...an important scholarly examination of the various discourses related to this case." CSMC Bookends
Most helpful customer reviews
0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
A SOCIOLOGIST LOOKS BEYOND “GUILTY” OR “NOT GUILTY” IN THE CASE
By Steven H Propp
At the time of writing this 1999 book, Darnell Hunt was a professor of sociology at the University of Southern California; currently, he is Director of the Ralph J. Bunche Center for African American Studies, and Professor of Sociology at UCLA. He has also written/edited other books such as Channeling Blackness: Studies on Television and Race in America, Black Los Angeles: American Dreams and Racial Realities, etc. [NOTE: page numbers below refer to the 350-page hardcover edition.]
He wrote in the Introduction, “I, like millions of other viewers in the United States and around the globe, had become hooked on any news about developments in the case, news that might provide me with knowledge about Simpson’s innocence or guilt.” (Pg. 2) He continues, “Ways of seeing, it seems, figured prominently in our national obsession with the Simpson case. Not long after the murders, opinion polls were heralding a major national divide concerning the question of Simpson’s innocence or guilt. The dividing line? Race.” (Pg. 4) He adds, “the effects of gender and education on these viewpoints, in the few instances where these effects were present, were generally overwhelmed by racial effects.” (Pg. 9)
He summarizes, “What follows is NOT a book about Simpson’s innocence or guilt. This is a book about knowledge---a book that applies insights from sociology and cultural studies in order to examine the HOW and WHY of what we ‘know’ about Simpson’s innocence or guilt… I have conducted dozens of interviews for this book—with white journalists who ‘know’ Simpson is guilty, with sources close to Simpson’s defense who suspect that he is, with black journalists who ‘know’ he was framed by the police, with trial observers who believe in his innocence, with Simpson himself. All of these interviews underscore the significance of interests in shaping what we claim to ‘know’ about the case. Indeed, my own social positioning as a sociologist and black male necessarily colors the analyses that compose this book.” (Pg. 11)
He points out, “Newsworkers periodically used superimposed graphics to relay information about witnesses or developments in the case. As these graphics were rarely qualified by words such as ‘allegedly,’ ‘claim(s)(ed),’ or ‘reportedly,’ they were meant to be received as ‘facts’…. For example, early in the trial a superimposed graphic identified LAPD detective Mark Fuhrman as follows: ‘Detective Mark Fuhrman. LAPD. Found bloody glove at O.J. Simpson’s estate.’ Note that the graphic did not read he ‘allegedly’ or ‘reportedly’ or ‘claims to have’ found the glove at Simpson’s estate. Instead, the graphic accepted Fuhrman’s account of finding the glove as an established fact---despite (or because of?) the defense’s well-publicized conspiracy theory.” (Pg. 117)
He notes, “To write that the socks were ‘recovered’ from Simpson’s bedroom, implies police did not PLANT them there as the defense contended. And to write that the socks ‘also were stained with blood’ implies they were in this condition WHEN ‘recovered’---a ‘fact’ disputed by defense claims that the blood was later planted. Indeed, several police investigators and defense witness Michael Baden examined the socks shortly after the murders without noticing any blood stains.” (Pg. 147-148)
He summarizes, “the ‘racial rule’ is not absolute. Indeed, exceptions to the rule suggest that social locations other than race contributed to our interpretations of the Simpson case. In some instances---such as income and education---this contribution seemed to be rather significant … In other cases---such as age and political party affiliation---it did not. But we should not understand these contributions as a DIRECT function of social location… our interpretations are less a result of social location ITSELF than of the discourses and/or institutions to which we have access BECAUSE of social location. This observation is as true for race as it is for class and gender. It is no accident that blacks with relatively high amounts of socio-economic status seemed to gravitate toward O.J. narratives different from those the majority of their racial brethren embraced. Because of the racial hierarchy in the United States, ‘transgression for blacks and ‘transgression’ for whites meant two radically different things.” (Pg. 261)
This is a very interesting perspective on the criminal case, and the author’s generally pro-Simpson perspective does not unduly affect his analysis. Those interested in academic, sociological, or perspectives on the case other than those of mass media “talking heads” will find this book highly interesting.
5 of 6 people found the following review helpful.
a unique perspective, very informative
By A Customer
What Hunt provides is an explanation about why blacks and whites disagreed about the OJ Simpson trial, getting at the underlying assumptions different groups took into the trial and examining how the media played on these assumptions. Actually, he's more sophisticated than simply discussing "blacks and whites," noting divisions within these categories and at times challenging them. He uses a range of methods, including communciations theory, focus groups, quantitative analysis, etc. Much more sophisticated than most of the stuff out there on the trial and its larger meaning.
0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
A SOCIOLOGIST LOOKS BEYOND “GUILTY” OR “NOT GUILTY” IN THE CASE
By Steven H Propp
At the time of writing this 1999 book, Darnell Hunt was a professor of sociology at the University of Southern California; currently, he is Director of the Ralph J. Bunche Center for African American Studies, and Professor of Sociology at UCLA. He has also written/edited other books such as Channeling Blackness: Studies on Television and Race in America, Black Los Angeles: American Dreams and Racial Realities, etc. [NOTE: page numbers below refer to the 350-page hardcover edition.]
He wrote in the Introduction, “I, like millions of other viewers in the United States and around the globe, had become hooked on any news about developments in the case, news that might provide me with knowledge about Simpson’s innocence or guilt.” (Pg. 2) He continues, “Ways of seeing, it seems, figured prominently in our national obsession with the Simpson case. Not long after the murders, opinion polls were heralding a major national divide concerning the question of Simpson’s innocence or guilt. The dividing line? Race.” (Pg. 4) He adds, “the effects of gender and education on these viewpoints, in the few instances where these effects were present, were generally overwhelmed by racial effects.” (Pg. 9)
He summarizes, “What follows is NOT a book about Simpson’s innocence or guilt. This is a book about knowledge---a book that applies insights from sociology and cultural studies in order to examine the HOW and WHY of what we ‘know’ about Simpson’s innocence or guilt… I have conducted dozens of interviews for this book—with white journalists who ‘know’ Simpson is guilty, with sources close to Simpson’s defense who suspect that he is, with black journalists who ‘know’ he was framed by the police, with trial observers who believe in his innocence, with Simpson himself. All of these interviews underscore the significance of interests in shaping what we claim to ‘know’ about the case. Indeed, my own social positioning as a sociologist and black male necessarily colors the analyses that compose this book.” (Pg. 11)
He points out, “Newsworkers periodically used superimposed graphics to relay information about witnesses or developments in the case. As these graphics were rarely qualified by words such as ‘allegedly,’ ‘claim(s)(ed),’ or ‘reportedly,’ they were meant to be received as ‘facts’…. For example, early in the trial a superimposed graphic identified LAPD detective Mark Fuhrman as follows: ‘Detective Mark Fuhrman. LAPD. Found bloody glove at O.J. Simpson’s estate.’ Note that the graphic did not read he ‘allegedly’ or ‘reportedly’ or ‘claims to have’ found the glove at Simpson’s estate. Instead, the graphic accepted Fuhrman’s account of finding the glove as an established fact---despite (or because of?) the defense’s well-publicized conspiracy theory.” (Pg. 117)
He notes, “To write that the socks were ‘recovered’ from Simpson’s bedroom, implies police did not PLANT them there as the defense contended. And to write that the socks ‘also were stained with blood’ implies they were in this condition WHEN ‘recovered’---a ‘fact’ disputed by defense claims that the blood was later planted. Indeed, several police investigators and defense witness Michael Baden examined the socks shortly after the murders without noticing any blood stains.” (Pg. 147-148)
He summarizes, “the ‘racial rule’ is not absolute. Indeed, exceptions to the rule suggest that social locations other than race contributed to our interpretations of the Simpson case. In some instances---such as income and education---this contribution seemed to be rather significant … In other cases---such as age and political party affiliation---it did not. But we should not understand these contributions as a DIRECT function of social location… our interpretations are less a result of social location ITSELF than of the discourses and/or institutions to which we have access BECAUSE of social location. This observation is as true for race as it is for class and gender. It is no accident that blacks with relatively high amounts of socio-economic status seemed to gravitate toward O.J. narratives different from those the majority of their racial brethren embraced. Because of the racial hierarchy in the United States, ‘transgression for blacks and ‘transgression’ for whites meant two radically different things.” (Pg. 261)
This is a very interesting perspective on the criminal case, and the author’s generally pro-Simpson perspective does not unduly affect his analysis. Those interested in academic, sociological, or perspectives on the case other than those of mass media “talking heads” will find this book highly interesting.
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