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A History of Modern Israel, by Colin Shindler
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The state of Israel came into existence in 1948. Colin Shindler's book traces Israel's history across sixty years, from its optimistic beginnings - immigration, settlement, the creation of its towns and institutions - through the wars with its Arab neighbours, and the confrontation with the Palestinians. Shindler paints a broad canvas which affords unusual insights into this multicultural society, forged from over a hundred different Jewish communities and united by a common history. Despite these commonalities, however, Israel in the twenty-first century is riven by ideological disputes and different interpretations of 'Jewishness' and Judaism. Nowhere are these divisions more revealingly portrayed than in the lives and ideologies of Israel's leaders. Biographical portraits of Ben Gurion, Israel's first prime-minister, Yitzhak Rabin, whose assassination is still a traumatic memory for many Israelis, and the controversial Ariel Sharon, offer fascinating examinations of those who have led the country to where it is today.
- Sales Rank: #1775504 in Books
- Published on: 2008-03-03
- Format: Illustrated
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.98" h x .94" w x 5.98" l, 1.42 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 400 pages
From Booklist
A History of Modern Israel offers a more sober view of Israeli politics and history. Shindler traces the evolution of contemporary Israel from its idealistic origins to its unenviable position as Middle East hot spot. Thankfully, he abstains from partisan cheerleading to provide a balanced historical overview of development of the modern Israeli state. Especially interesting is his thorough analysis of the intrafaith differences that have contributed to increasing polarization among various groups of Israeli citizens. --Margaret Flanagan
Review
"Colin Shindler's history of Israel is a major contribution to our understanding of the country and the turbulent area in which it is situated. It is scrupulously balanced and thoroughly researched. In sharp contrast to much current discussion of the Middle East, Shindler's study cuts through the slogans and propaganda that have come to shape debate on both sides to offer clear and compelling insight into Israel's development. We are all in his debt." - Professor Shalom Lappin, Kings College, University of London
"Colin Shindler's outstanding book is a model of judicious scholarship. It is so comprehensive, it will transform our understanding of the history of the entire Middle East." - Anthony Julius, Birckbeck College, London University and Mishcon de Reya
"Colin Shindler understands Israel from the inside. There are few who can tell the complex story of Israel's sixty years with such clarity and such depth. This is a remarkable work." - Professor Tudor Parfitt, SOAS, University of London
"Comprehensive, lucid, and full of insights; this is a book that will reward each reader with its wisdom and balance." - Sir Martin Gilbert
"...as a chronicler of missed opportunities, wrong turnings and might-have-been moments, it provides a blow-by-blow account ... an important voice at this time and worth consulting." - Chartist
"The ups and downs of Israeli democracy over the past 60 years are chronicled in Colin Shindler's readable, comprehensive but concise A History of Modern Israel... Shindler's book, like Morris's, will set the standard for some time for excellent scholarship shedding light on Israel's history, both bright and dark sides."- The Australian
"Shindler's recount of Israeli history is one that enables the reader to understand the social and political cleavages that make up Israel of 2008 while looking back at 1948. It is that lens that would help any student of the Arab-Israeli conflict to not repeat history but learn how to move Israel forward toward the next 60 years." - The Jerusalem Post
"This timely book, which appears as the Jewish state celebrates its 60th anniversary, is an informative account of the history of Israel. Recommended." - Choice
About the Author
Colin Shindler is Reader in Israeli and Modern Jewish Studies at the University of London.
Most helpful customer reviews
16 of 18 people found the following review helpful.
This is a problematic book.
By Seneca
This is a problematic book. From first to last, there is no doubt that the author has done his homework and that he is very familiar with Israeli history and life. However, he has chosen to focus almost entirely on politics, both internal and external. As a result, he has very little to say about anything else--not economics, not society, not culture, not so many other issues as to make one lose count.
For any reader who wants to know e.g. just how Israeli secular and religious parties fight each other, but who does not care about how religion helps shape the-day-to day lives of ordinary Israelis, this book is a must. On the other hand, anybody who wants to know more about the nature of one of the most varied, creative, dynamic, and, as far as one may judge at present, successful societies in the entire twentieth century, will have to look for another volume to meet his need.
7 of 10 people found the following review helpful.
A Compendium on Modern Israel
By Dr. Joseph S. Maresca
The State of Israel came into existence in response
to a specific need to safeguard Jews and to provide
a secure home. As early as 1621, Sir Henry Finch
published the "World's Great Restoration or Calling
of the Jews". Both Napoleon and President John Adams
favored a restoration of the Jews.
The book describes Herzl as a pragmatist and utopian.
He wanted to reclaim the holy language and sacred
history of the biblical peoples. The book is replete
with black and white pictures which depict early
scenes within Israel itself. For instance,
Kibbutz Mercharia (1911) sets forth a Palestinian
bridge between Arabia and Egypt. The work sets forth
dual rates of development between and amongst the
Jewish and Arabic sectors.
Ben- Gurion pursued a policy of self-restraint.
He separated religion from political judgments.
On 7-5-1950, the Law of Return passed in the Knesset.
Ben- Gurion disaggregated the political left, as well as
pro-Soviet influences.
The book provides a good description of how the Jews of
Israel differ from the Jews in the USA. In Israel,
Jews constructed a distinctly Jewish Society
with strong traditional foundations. In the USA,
there was a move toward constructing a multi-racial /
multi-cultural society.
In today's world, both Israel and the Palestinians must
contend with Islamic rage. PM Rabin tried to embrace
a political solution within the Oslo framework.
PM Netanyahu was elected because the peace process
did not readily result in peace and security.
Overall, the author did a good job of setting forth the
historical and political superstructure which lead to
the creation and continued success of the State of Israel.
The book sets forth the challenges and opportunities
available both now and in future years.
6 of 10 people found the following review helpful.
Just in time for Israel's 60th anniversary...
By Jazz It Up Baby
As Asaf Romirowsky, Director of Israel and Middle East affairs for the Jewish Federation of Greater Philadelphia and adjunct scholar at Campus Watch stated, one of the greatest myths in Middle East studies departments across North America and Europe is that the presence of an Israeli faculty member makes a "balanced" department. In fact, many Israeli academics have built their reputation on scholarship that is critical of Israel and its existence. These academics are frequently given center stage by the Association for Israel Studies, the Middle East Studies Association and Middle East studies centers, which host them and provide visiting appointments. This gives the scholars the visibility they seek, while allowing their hosts to claim balance in presenting an "Israeli viewpoint."
In Europe, there is hardly any attempt to create this so-called balance; pan-Arabist scholarship has become the coin of the realm. The University of London's School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in the first part of the 20th century produced great Middle East scholars such as Bernard Lewis. But over the years, Edward Said and his acolytes, such as Joseph Massad, have been the ones to receive red-carpet receptions, especially at SOAS which is notorious for having an anti-Israel atmosphere. The university's Palestinian Society is the only student society in Britain professionally run by the student union and regularly hosts controversial events such as Israel Apartheid Weeks.
Given this environment, Colin Shindler's appointment as the first professor of Israeli studies at SOAS is significant. Shindler is the author of seven books and an authority on the Revisionist Zionist movement and the emergence of the Israeli Right. His latest book, entitled A History of Modern Israel, appeared just in time for Israel's 60th anniversary. In it the author traces six decades, from David Ben-Gurion to Ehud Olmert.
The author comes to the obvious conclusion that peace between Israelis and Palestinians has yet to be found. But it is worth noting that the same radical views of the al-Aksa intifada that consumed the Palestinian mainstream were in turn used by the far Left in Britain to justify boycotting Israeli academics. As Shindler observes, "This cocktail of Israeli separation, Palestinian opposition to normalization and Islamist zeal challenged the very idea of individual Israelis and Palestinians working together for peace and reconciliation."
While the country has come a long way since 1948, it is still driven by ideological disputes and different interpretations of "Jewishness" and Judaism. Nowhere are these divisions more visibly portrayed than in the lives and ideologies of its leaders from David Ben-Gurion to Yitzhak Rabin, whose assassination is still a traumatic memory for most Israelis, and a transformed Ariel Sharon. Sharon represented the last of the old guard in Israeli leadership. His absence from the political arena highlights how desperately Israelis are searching for new leadership, which is nowhere to be found under the Olmert administration. The findings of the Winograd Committee detailing Israel's failures during the Second Lebanon War illustrate this lack of leadership, direction or vision. The magnitude of the investigation has without a doubt created a political earthquake in Israel. As did the harshness of the committee's concluding that all Olmert's mistakes "add up to a serious failure in exercising judgment, responsibility and prudence," which should have motivated him to rethink his actions as well as his government.
Israel has never experienced such a catastrophe in its cabinet until Olmert-Peretz came to power - two key leaders utterly lacking defense, military and political experience. Consequently, Shindler underscores that the tension has significantly grown between Israelis who seek stability and democratization versus those who see despair and destruction.
David Ben-Gurion, Israel's first prime minister as well as the father of the IDF, was without a doubt a war-statesman. He was one of the few leaders with the willingness and ability to think everything through. Less than two years after Israel's War of Independence, Ben-Gurion concluded that "the most dangerous enemy to Israel's security is the intellectual inertia of those who are responsible for security. This simple and fundamental idea guided me from the day that I accepted the 22nd Zionist Congress responsibility for the security of the Yishuv. And this simple and fundamental thought I tried to instill in all the comrades that worked with me on security matters before the war, during the war, and after it."
Finally, 60 years after the War of Independence, it is clear that no one individual can monopolize and maintain the military and political balance needed for Israel to regain the vision and deterrence it needs. Shindler's recount of Israeli history is one that enables the reader to understand the social and political cleavages that make up Israel of 2008 while looking back at 1948. It is that lens that would help any student of the Arab-Israeli conflict to not repeat history but learn how to move Israel forward toward the next 60 years.
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