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Presenting many slaveholders as intelligent, honorable and pious men and women, this study asks how people who were admirable in so many ways could have presided over a social system that inflicted gross abuse on slaves. The South had formidable proslavery intellectuals who participated fully in transatlantic debates and boldly challenged an ascendant capitalist ("free-labor") society. Blending classical and Christian traditions, they forged a moral and political philosophy designed to sustain conservative principles in history, political economy, social theory, and theology, while translating them into political action.
- Sales Rank: #1157896 in Books
- Brand: Brand: Cambridge University Press
- Published on: 2005-10-17
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.21" h x 1.77" w x 6.14" l, 2.55 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 824 pages
Features
- Used Book in Good Condition
Review
"In exploring their terrible and complex subject with honesty and sympathy, the authors have grappled heroically with the ambiguity at the heart of history and in the heart of man."
-The Atlantic Monthly
"Extraordinarily erudite. What is most impressive is the authors' ability to tell us precisely what was meant by the innumerable literary and cultural references found in the writings of the slaveholding intellectuals. They seem to have read all the books that their subjects read and talked about and are thus able to get inside their minds to a remarkable degree."
-New York Review of Books
"This book is one that libraries of colleges offering courses in American history ought to acquire."
-Catholic Library World
"Eugene Genovese and Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, focusing as they should on religion and political thought, have turned their immense learning and acuity to presenting the strongest case possible about the slaveholders intellectual and moral virtues, as well as their enormous failings and tragedies. Historians, including those who do not share the Genoveses's Old South sympathies, will find The Mind of the Master Class a commanding and illuminating book."
-Sean Wilentz, Princeton University
"The strength of the book lies in the Genoveses' depth of research and command of the primary sources. The Mind of the Master Class is an important contribution to southern intellectual history and undoubtedly will be read and debated for years to come."
-Adam L. Tate, Clayton State University, Journal of Social History
"...the Genoveses offer us one more insight into the Southern mind." -Hal Goldman, Historie sociale
About the Author
Elizabeth Fox-Genovese is Eléonore Raoul Professor of the Humanities at Emory University, where she was founding director of Women's Studies. She is Editor of The Journal of The Historical Society and serves on the Governing Council of the National Endowment for the Humanities (2002-2008). In 2003 President George Bush honored her with a National Humanities Medal, and the Fellowship of Catholic Scholars honored her with its Cardinal Wright Award. Among her books and published lectures are: The Origins of Physiocracy: Economic Revolution and Social Order in Eighteenth-Century France; Within the Plantation Household: Black and White Women of the Old South; and Feminism without Illusions: A Critique of Individualism.
Eugene D. Genovese, a retired professor of history, served as first president of The Historical Society. Among his books are Roll, Jordan, Roll: The World the Slaves Made; The Slaveholders' Dilemma: Southern Conservative Thought, 1820-1860; and A Consuming Fire: The Fall of the Confederacy in the Mind of the White Christian South. Fox-Genovese and Genovese serve on the editorial boards of a number of scholarly journals and are co-authors of Fruits of Merchant Capital: Slavery and Bourgeois Property in the Rise and Expansion of Capitalism. In 2004 The Intercollegiate Studies Institute presented them jointly with its Gerhard Niemeyer Award for Distinguished Contributions to Scholarship in the Liberal Arts.
Most helpful customer reviews
0 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
A Wealth of Detail, Fascinating insights
By Darrell J. Hartwick
For a scholarly work, this is quite interesting. It will be of great interest to those with a passion for Southern history and culture, as well as those like me who are bewildered by the idea of decent, civilized people defending and profiting from such a brutal institution as slavery. Elizabeth Fox-Genovese is, in no way, an apologist for slavery or any other form of human oppression, but she does fairly treat this neglected side of the 19th c. debate. I was particularly fascinated by the thought that many slaveowners compared the condition of their slaves to those of masses of workers in Northern factories, manufacturing cotton goods under conditions that seemed to them even worse than the conditions of those who picked the cotton.
7 of 8 people found the following review helpful.
Understanding over polemicizing
By James A. Sullivan
The Mind of the Master Class is a tour de force, a kind of Wagnerian opus that brings the Southern elites into focus. We learn what they thought about; Scripture, the French Revolution. the classics and yes, their own slave owning. Instead of viewing them as merely a plague in history, we follow their opinions in such detail that they are humanized despite the current mood to simply dismiss them as a countersign on our road to progress. The erudition in this work is overwhelming and it is certainly the case that anyone involved in the historical discussion about slavery should consult this book. While many diehards will lament an analysis of the slaveowners in such detail, the authors make no brief for slavery. Rather they contextualize the lives of the master class in such a way that we, the reader, get to slough off our own provincialism in the interest of a wider understanding.
19 of 25 people found the following review helpful.
This monograph requires patience and dedication; it is also one of the triumphsof American historical scholarship
By mark twain
Ms. McKinney would do herself much good if she would either content herself with failing to commit the intellectual energy required by this book or to at least be content to wait until she has grasped the work before thoughtlessly dismissing a text she feels has defeated her. The authors did not intend this work to be an easy read; the weight of the book should dismiss any illusions a non-committed reader may have about bringing this along to the beach for a little "light" reading. But it is in demanding this subtlety of thought that the authors accomplished their initial aim: to allow the reader to actually grasp the nuance and complexity that were woven together into a fabric that was nevertheless "solid"--or, as Genovese has tried to explain for almost 50 years, the master class ruled southern society by means of cultural hegemony. Ms. McKinney, no doubt unaware of the 50 years of scholarship that culminated in this work, casts it off as "research" notes that the authors were simply too lazy to shape into a narrative arc. This is, of course, foolish, erroneous, and given the unquestionable brilliance of Dr. Genovese and the late-Dr. Fox-Genovese, a little more than arrogant of Ms. McKinney. The chapter titles she dismisses as lyrical epigrams to incoherent collections of quotations, are, on the contrary, nuanced history practiced at the most erudite level. These chapters are masterful: "The Holy Spirit in the Word of God" details how orthodox southern evangelicals began to grow culturally alienated from their northern brethren as northern theology drifted in a liberal direction that allowed believers to follow the impulses of "the Spirit" within them without cross-checking those impulses with what Scripture taught; white southern evangelicals, on the other hand, held fast in their orthodoxy, insisting that the "true" Holy Spirit would never lead the believer to any action contrary to the Word. As for McKinney's qualms about the chapter "Between Individualism and Corporatism," I would have to ask her--with no intentions of malice--if she was clear as to what body of scholarship this chapter addressed before she read the chapter, because if she had been, the basic points may not have been so obscure to her: southern slaveholders ruled over a means of labor-relations that were vestiges of centuries of "premodern" history, yet their own society--and the institution of slavery as well--was thoroughly embedded in a modern, capitalist, liberal transatlantic economy; as a result of this "hybrid" labor and economic regime, white southerners had to attempt to strike a delicate balance between their commitment to "organic," hierarchical, and corporate structuring and obligations, and their vision of having their own role to play in the march of progress set off by the American Revolution--a vision of progress predicated upon the possessive individualism which struck at the very heart of their own labor system. But the Genoveses do not leave the readers here in imbiguity, as Ms. McKinney seems to want to believe; rather, they show that southerners attempted to reconcile their (seemingly)paradoxical commitments to corporate social relations and political individualism by arguing for progress of a different temperament than that envisioned in the bourgeois cultures of the Northeast and Western Europe: for southerners, progress could only advance safely and surely by advancing slowly: the disastrous results of the radical upheaval of traditional ways so evident in the aftermath of the French REvolution had been only one of history's more recent and definitive examples of this principle in the southerners' perspectives. Thus, hopefully Ms. McKinney can see the meaning of the subtitle of this masterwork: the hegemonic worldview shared by slaveholders was shaped by their common conclusions concerning what history and Christianity taught about the notions of progress, economic development, and bourgeois social values spreading everywhere that industrialism made itself king: true, southerners often bickered over the finer points of, say Arminianism and Calvinism, or how to best characterize the French Revolution, being that despite its myriad evils, it was nonetheless the product of a corrupt, decadent, decaying, and socially vacant Old Regime that ought to have been supplanted by a moderate republican culture that could patiently widen the sphere of liberty and progress by cautiously and slowly expanding the numbers of citizens granted the rights, duties, and responsibility of "freedom"; but despite the myriad, nuanced perspectives various southerners laid upon the scales of their orthodox faith and their reading of history, they always found that the scales leveled-off, and they shared a broad consensus that allowed them to identify with one another, and increasingly led them to find their countrymen to the North much more foreign and alien than they had foreseen. The Genoveses did not--as one scholar unfortunately was not able to understand--abandon a healthy perspective on the role that southern economic and social relations--that is, slavery in a slave society--shaped and was in turn shaped by their intellectual worldview. Thus, despite a good deal of heat and little light written about the Genoveses' "defection" to the Right and away from all they had accomplished, this remarkable monograph adds greater evidence to the typically Gramscian interpretation of history favored by Genovese: Gramsci's great achievement was to correct the unbalanced clumsiness of earlier "vulgar" materialist readings of "marxian" history by mashing it together with Croce's idealism. Genovese has ALWAYS been clear on this point: his early commitment to Marxism was predicated on a Gramscian understanding that dialectical materialism SHOULD take culture and the intellectual life of peoples quite seriously, as the material and the intellectual realities (or, structure and superstructure) of societies shape one another in a constant tug-of-war--that, of course, was what made such an improved reading of Marx trully DIALECTICAL, at least relative to the vulgar materialism of skeptics looking for an ideological home, or the craven idealism of the still-born, impotent New Left, many of whom still grasped pathetically for some sort of recognition as members of a Marxist, radical tradition rather than facing the anomie embedded in their own relativistic, intellectually-sloppy, and generally disgustingly self-interested, self-righteous, and self-glorifying claims to speak out against the oppressors of labor. The New Left not only went into this fight without any values, but also without any weapons--after, excluding those few who left the academy in order to remain consistent with their ideological claims, the majority was never interested in a fight to begin with--most of them had taken enough beatings in highschool, and all they really wanted from their new radicalism were tenured positions from which they could take their petty revenge upon the children whose cheerleader mothers and jock fathers had made them feel so insecure to begin with. Quickly, the New Left back-peddled, as tenure allowed these workers' radicals to join country clubs and drive luxury vehicles: "there's no reason for us to actually have to fight," they suggested; "afterall, you merely believe in your ideological principles, and we believe that there's no such thing as truth, so we don't mind if the Old Left peddles the OLD CAUSE, for we don't think they're anymore "untrue" in their ideals than we are in our own--as everyone is. But nihilism is rather unpleasant to face-up to in oneself, and plus, it's gotten a bad rap amongst the conservative alumni who endow our tenured seats and save us places at the club for Sunday brunch, so you all just keep at your little class consciousness spiel; as for us, we've invented a new Radicalism--the radical defense of me, me, me-ism, which we are going to dub 'identity politics'; it really works out much better for us than that old class nonsense anyhow, especially since none of us has ever labored outside they doors of private educational institutions. But this 'me-ism'--I mean 'identity politics' really has a lot to offer me NOW, while all that socialist talk demanded patience and spoke of the future." Genovese did not buy into the "me-ism" politics of the New Left or the nihilism which naturally emerged in its hypocritical wake. He may vote different; he might go to Mass. But excluding largely semantic alterations and reasonable concessions toward those who demonstrate the South's rather "modern" economic efficiency, he has spent the last 50 years continually strengthening his position that the southern slaveholders represented a novel class in human society; created a novel culture quite unlike those of Europe, the Northeast, and the slave economies of Latin America; and were the only slaveholding ruling class in the modern world to forge a cultural dominance over a region in which they were an overwhelming minority--a cultural dominance that would allow them to not only break away from the Union in order to construct a separate state to govern the national separation that had long been a practical fact, but they did so with the majority of non-slaveholding southern whites following behind them in defiance of those northerners whom they believed were beating a trail hard and fast toward a society in which anomie, family-disfunction, and despair would only be thinly vailed by the smokescreen of material abundance an narcotic abandon.
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