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In this fresh and challenging study of the origins of the Cold War, Professor Eisenberg traces the American role in dividing postwar Germany. Drawing upon original documentary sources, she explores how U.S. policy makers chose partition and mobilized reluctant West Europeans behind that approach. The book casts new light on the Berlin blockade, demonstrating that the United States rejected United Nations mediation and relied on its nuclear monopoly as the means of protecting its German agenda.
- Sales Rank: #310370 in Books
- Brand: Brand: Cambridge University Press
- Published on: 1998-03-28
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.98" h x 1.10" w x 5.98" l, 1.59 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 540 pages
- Used Book in Good Condition
Review
"Drawing the Line is an eminently readable book and it will be a welcome addition to the treasure chest of reseachers, scholars and students of international affairs." Pam K. Datta, Perspectives
"It is an exceptionally well written and prodigiously researched work." Thomas Schwartz, The Journal of American History
"Carolyn Eisenberg shatters the central myth at the heart of the origins of the cold war: that the postwar division of Germany was Stalin's fault. She demonstrates unequivocally that the partition of Germany was `fundamentally an American decision,' strongly opposed by the Soviets. The implications are enormous." Kai Bird, The Nation
"...exhaustive and impressive..." David M. Keithly, Politik
"Carolyn Eisenberg's Drawing the Line is the most comprehensive study now available of U.S. policy towards Germany in the critical 1944-1949 period." Steven P. Remy, H-Net Reviews
"This is a thorough, beautifully written study; it is unlikely to be superseded." Loyd E. Lee, Political Science Quarterly
"This book is a remarkable achievement. Its mastery of the complex US politics and diplomacy of the division of Germany and the beginnings of the cold war is truly impressive." Diethelm Prowe, The International History Review
"...a daring, provocative and challenging book...a must read for anyone interested in post-World War II international history." Melvyn Leffler, University of Virginia
"...massively documented and unsparing argument that not Russian, but American non-cooperation prevented Germanu unification. Even those who will dissent from the tightly argued case will remain in Eisenberg's dept for a closely reasoned and provocative monograph that masters some of the most intricate disputes of early Cold War history. This work is a major achievement and major challenge." Charles Maier, Diplomatic History
"Just when some thought we were approaching a consensus on the reasons why Europe and the United States sunk into nearly a half-century of Cold War, Carolyn Eisenberg forces us to rethink what we thought we knew...Her vast research and grasp of detail make us reconsider the historic events that triggered the Cold War." Walter LaFeber, Cornell University
From the Back Cover
In this fresh and challenging study of the origins of the Cold War, Professor Eisenberg traces the American role in dividing postwar Germany. Drawing on many original documentary sources, she examines the Allied meeting on the Elbe, follows the Great Powers through their confrontation in Berlin, and ends with the creation of the West German state in the fall of 1949. Unlike many works in the field, this book argues that the partition of Germany was fundamentally an American decision. U.S. policy makers chose partition, mobilized reluctant West Europeans behind that approach, and, by excluding the Soviets from West Germany, contributed to the isolation of East Germany and the emergence of the post-World War II U.S.-Soviet rivalry. The volume casts new light on the Berlin blockade, demonstrating that the United States rejected United Nations mediation and relied on its nuclear monopoly as the means of protecting its German agenda.
Most helpful customer reviews
8 of 8 people found the following review helpful.
Best Book about Post-WWII Decisions
By Armen Pandola
If you read this book, you will understand a great deal about how the world came to be what it is today. This fine book, based on meticulous research, sets forth the reasons why the US wanted to divide Germany following the defeat of the Nazis. It reveals the hidden agenga of the US in working against a unified Germany and explains how the US was at the very least compliscent in the creation of the "Iron Curtain." One of those truly important books that all should read who are interested in world affairs.
46 of 46 people found the following review helpful.
A book all Americans should read
By pnotley@hotmail.com
This is a book all Americans should read, but probably won't. Although stylistically undistinguished, it tells a vitally important story about the origins of the cold war. Few criticisms of the Soviet Union's diplomacy are more damning than the way it imposed dictatorship in Eastern Europe. What Eisenberg's book suggests however, is that the partition of Germany was not the result of Stalinist bullying, but American preference for it over a neutral social democratic state. Relying on more than 70 sets of private papers and files, Eisenberg shows how the United States subtly weakened denazification, decarterlization and the American committment to ensure the war-ravaged Soviet Union its share of German reparations. Gradually they decided that economic recovery and political security required an American allied Germany even if the Soviet quarter remained a Communist dictatorship. As Ambassador Walter Bedell Smith bluntly put it "The difficulty under which we labor is that in spite of our announced position, we really do not want nor intend to accept German unification in any terms that the Russians might agree to, even though they seemed to meet most of our requirements." With Truman having only a vague idea of the real issues, the United States ignored Soviet plans for reunification, forced plans for currency reform, and refused international proposals for mediation of the Berlin Blockade crisis. The consequences of this decision were incalcuably tragic for Central Europe and the world.
4 of 4 people found the following review helpful.
Don't you just love -
By R. L. Huff
- how some reviewers demand "let's get the facts straight," and then reiterate the tired propaganda of General George Patton? This is the rhetoric of faith, to keep the smug warm and fuzzy inside, but not of historic inquiry. In the latter, Carolyn Eisenberg has done a splendid job of separating fact from faith and outright fantasy.
When Yugoslav Communist Milovan Djilas went to Moscow during the war, he was (allegedly) told by Stalin: "This war is not like wars of the past. Today the victors must impose their social systems as far as their armies can reach." But what to do when the armies stop in the middle of a conquered nation? That's when diplomacy's deceitful dance begins its piroutte across the pages. Both sides will demand political and economic unity, but on their own mutually exclusive terms; and must finally retreat behind their own barricades rather than lose the ground taken by force.
The Soviet strategy was indeed masterful, as Ms. Eisenberg shows. By simply demanding fulfillment of wartime promises - reparations, the anti-fascist purging of the German government, and equality in central administration - the Soviets would thwart US plans to use German industry for West European recovery through the Marshall Plan. The foundations of the Berlin Wall were thus laid, not in 1961, but 1947. As US ambassador Walter Bedell Smith plainly stated (p. 359): "The difficulty under which we labor is that in spite of our announced position, we really do not want nor intend to accept German unification in any terms that the Russians might agree to, even though they seemed to meet most of our requirements," thus requiring "careful maneuvering to avoid the appearance of inconsistency and hypocrisy." Indeed, the American strategy smacks of good old down-home Jim Crow-style segregation. This, as much as the Soviet "iron curtain," turned East Germany into a "red ghetto."
Only a social democratic Germany could have achieved postwar unity, but this was not permissable to those in power. When German Communist viceroy Walter Ulbricht said, "Everything must look democratic, but we must be in control," he spoke also for his West German adversaries. The real line through Germany lay in the minds of its occupiers: to restore the prewar status quo, via the German productive capacity of the Ruhr; or to remake the social, economic and political landscape that had caused the war. On this division was the line drawn, and of necessity all compromises had to be crushed, in Germany and throughout Europe. In retrospect, this might have been for the best: the contentions in a unified Germany could have led to a civil war, as in 1919. And with the occupying powers lined up behind the contenders, escalated into something far worse than a "divided sky" for Germany and Europe.
Though the cold war is over and the West allegedly "triumphed," the repercussions of this partition yet linger in the current economic blind alley of modern Europe.
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